From the first page of this long book, where the author
acknowledges over 20 people, to the last, we are aware that Hunt has read widely,
and is familiar with the literature. However, that’s also part of the problem. Familiarity
with the scholarship is not the only way to address the history of urban
development. And quoting both sides in an argument does not establish that you
are neutral.
This book began life as a PhD thesis, although, to give
credit to author Tristram Hunt, it reads much more fluently and entertainingly
than a thesis. The book attempts is to pull together in one volume the growth
and decline (the author’s words are “Rise and Fall”) leading to the garden city
movement along with, and contrasted to, the municipal triumphs of the the big 19th
century cities such as Birmingham and Glasgow.
Where things start to go wrong, for me, is when what I call
the casual historical style starts to disagree with me. The “casual historical
style” is somewhere between a history monograph and a newspaper article. The
author makes a statement, and provides sources to exemplify this statement. But
far too many topics are introduced with just
one or two quotes by contemporaries to justify the argument. Cleverly, as a
historian, Hunt can hide behind the quotes, as if to say, “Don’t complain to me,
after all, I’m just quoting” – a technique which happens to be widely used by
the populist right in the UK and the USA.
Let’s look at a detailed example. Chapter Eight describes
the triumph of what Hunt calls “The Municipal Gospel”, a phrase he uses as the
chapter title. It’s only in a footnote midway through the chapter that he
reveals that Asa Briggs, in his famous Victorian Cities, calls it the “Civic
Gospel”, meaning the same thing. Chamberlain’s stunning success at buying out
the municipal gas and water utilities for the common good are rightly
celebrated. But abruptly, the tone changes as we move towards 1900 with “Municipal
Socialism”, a switch from running the city like a corporation (under
Chamberlain) to running the city like, well, a socialist ideology. The switch
is cleverly characterised by Beatrice Potter rejecting Joseph Chamberlian as a
suitor, and choosing instead Sidney Webb.
Beatrice’s amorous transition …
can [] be read as an intellectual shift from the municipal gospel of Chamberlain’s Birmingham to the municipal
socialism of Webb and the Fabians. [Building Jerusalem, ch 8]
Hunt is clearly less fond of socialism than of the
corporatism of Chamberlain. he describes how Municipal Socialism was seen by
many as a subterfuge for introducing, well, Socialism.
Does the author remain neutral here? I’m not sure. The
attack by business interests on councils is reported in quotes, but then as
part of the author’s text:
The increase in municipal trading
was threatening to crowd out private enterprise. Gas and water utilities had
long since surrendered to the councils, but now electricity, tramway and omnibus
companies were all threatened by municipal ambition.
These are the author’s words, not a quote. Terms such as “crowd
out”, “surrender” and “threaten” are emotive, and seem to me to reveal where
the author’s sympathies lie, and they are not with the socialists. From our perspective
in 2023, we are perhaps less concerned about bus companies threatened by
municipal ambition; we have ample evidence of the result of private companies
running competing bus services. Recently
I bought a one-day bus pass (“valid for all buses”) in Glasgow, only to find
the number two bus I tried to catch was another operator’s number two: the competing
bus companies use the same numbers, and don’t share ticketing. My all-day
ticket was only valid for some of the buses. And nobody seemed too worried that
there were several routes with the same number.
But Hunt is too busy following his agenda to consider, I
think, the people involved. Within one chapter we switch from private interests
trying to prevent the incorporation of Birmingham, to Chamberlain implementing
some of the finest municipal development of any city in the UK, then suddenly to
venality and excess, including spending by councillors on cigars and champagne,
as if this one example damned the entire municipal movement.
But the narrative doesn’t stop there. A few pages further, and
we are in a section called “Fleeing the City”. By page 386, “the city was
decreasingly regarded as an arena to be celebrated … but instead as a mode of existence best rejected altogether” and
we move at top speed to the garden city ideal. The justification for the move
out of the city comes from some appalling quotes by Social Darwinists, on the
deleterious effects of city life on “Anglo-Saxons” (by which is presumably
meant the indigenous city-dwellers):
Finding himself at a disadvantage
in competition with the immigrants, he goes through many stages before he is
finally eliminated. Irregular labour, odd jobs, sweaters’ dens, prostitution,
subsistence of charity … are only some of the struggles of the dying Londoner
before he pays the debt of nature, whose laws he has no power to obey”. [p398]
Presumably the “immigrants” described here are the Jews, the
Irish, and the country dwellers who move into London in search of work. Weirdly,
Hunt quotes this contemporary writer without comment, as if this lurid,
offensive argument, similar to some of the rabid right-wing Republican sentiment
around Trump, somehow justified. In practice, many of the people who moved out
of London to new towns such as Harlow and Stevenage had little choice in the
matter. They didn't change their opinion about cities.
I think this demonstrates how Hunt’s text reads well – there
are always plenty of vivid quotes, and the narrative zips along – but, perhaps
in an effort to includes all his reading about a vast subject, the author
is responsible for abrupt changes in
tone which don’t seem to me to be justified. Perhaps for middle-class
commentators, and for a present-day academic working in a library, such instant
transformations might be feasible, but real lives were very different. I’m less
and less convinced by the author’s rather superficial pulling together of a
vast range of opinions about city life and urban planning, while maintaining what
appears to be a neutral stance. He points out how central government, then as
now, did everything in their power to prevent local government tackling the
problems of poverty and inequality, by, for example, attempting to prevent the
city of Glasgow building houses directly (and by so doing “preventing” private
enterprise from its normal business) (the so-called Cross Acts, p360). Today,
it is clear that private house-building companies act to maximise their profits
by hoarding land rather than building on it immediately, yet councils are
prevented from building any new social housing. The situation seems worse today
than it was a hundred years ago.
Yet from this text, the references to the present-day
suggest that Hunt is happy with the privatised state of affairs we live under today
in the United Kingdom. For me, a historical examination of the Victorian city
is in many ways a stunning demonstration of what can be achieved with an effective
local authority.